, Supporting evidence for 'husband, daughter's husband' can be found in Blust & Trussell (2010): panB *baNaS 'male (of animals)' , pmpB *banah 'husband' . pan *-N-evolves to *-l-in phlO: 'skin layer' *al?c < pan *qaNiC 'skin'; 'child' *al??k < pan *aNak. phlO *? for pan *a as in 'hand' , phlO *m? A < pan *qalimaH2 and 'one' , phlO *c? A < pan *isa. It is significant that the word's semantics in Kra-Dai show the same innovation from 'male' (of animals) to 'husband' as pmp. Concerning 'body hair, pubic hair' , panW *gumis 'down, body hair'18 is based on Atayal, Bunun and Thao.19 In pt, *?m-presumably goes back to an earlier *km-, itself reflecting *gum-after devoicing of *g and vowel syncope. pt *-wu?j is a rare final, pkd, and even much more recently in Proto-Central-Eastern Kra: L? (1999: 118) observes a word-final correspondence t :: t :: i :: i between Baha, Yalang, Ecun and Langjia (Table 13) for which the most likely reconstruction is a sibilant. The correspondence for pkd final *t is t :: t :: t :: t (L? 1999: 113)

, Wolff's *s is identical with *S as understood by other Austronesianists

D. Dempwolff, ;. Egerod, ;. Ferrell, and ;. Ljf-l?, edge': pmpD *tep[i]; 'to walk along the edge': pmpD *tepis < *tepi-s (3) 'cut off': panW *putun/*putul, *putuc22 < *putun-s or *putul-s (4) 'to smear': pmpB: *lume?, *lumes < *lume?-s (5) 'slippery': pmpB *lamaR, *lamas < *lamaR-s (6) 'to be outside': pmpD *luwar; 'go out' luwas < *luwar-s (7) 'to taste, try': pmpB *tamiq, *tamis < *tamiq-s (8) 'to scratch': pmpD: *garut, *garus < *garut-s (9) 'to split': pmpB *baqak; 'to split lengthwise': pmp *baqas < *baqak-s. If forms like *lume?-s, *lamaR-s and *luwar-s existed in psa, they could evolve to *lumes, *lamas and *luwas in pmp, and, via *lume?h, *lamaRh and *luwarh, to tone C in pkd. This is parallel to the process giving the Departing tone qùsh?ng in Chinese, where Old Chinese sonorant endings plus suffixed *-s evolve to Middle Chinese sonorant endings in tone C. We are not able to point to any actual examples of sonorant vs. *-s alternation in Austronesian coinciding with evolution to tone C in Kra-Dai, however. Abbreviations and notations an Austronesian, Blust reconstructs pan *kumiS, pmp *gumi with an unexplained voicing alternation; however since pan *g goes to k in each of the relevant Formosan languages, Wolff's pan *g-accounts more naturally for the evolution to pmp. (1) 'salt': panB *timu, panB *timus < *timu-s, p.88, 1938.

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